A Short-lived Parish Workhouse
Robert Reeve (local lawyer), who lived at what is now No. 49 High Street and who had his office next door at No. 48, was steward of the Lowestoft manor during the late 18th and early 19th century. Among the many things he did, connected with the history of the town (and also with that of Lothingland Half-hundred) was to compile a four-volume, handwritten account of various aspects of their past, connected with manorial and parochial matters of all kinds. Dated at c. 1810 for its completion, and bearing the title, A History of Lowestoft and Lothingland, it is a treasure house of information and forms part of the collection of Suffolk Archives, Ipswich – ref. no. 193/3/1, 2, 3 & 4. In part four, pp. 269-72, is an account of a small parish workhouse built in Lowestoft for the relief and useful employment of poor people.
As far as is known, no documentation relating directly to its period of operation has survived, but it was located on the north side of Fair Lane/Almshouse Lane (now Dove Street) at its junction with West Lane (laterWhite Horse Street and now Jubilee Way). Both names, first referred to, were used for this roadway because of its proximity to The Fairstead and because of the parish charitable dwellings located there. Two blocks of four “one-up, one-down” units were present, but the more easterly set had two of its homes destroyed by fire in 1707 and these were not rebuilt until twenty or so years later. It was this structure which underwent conversion into a workhouse and which remained in operation until the Union Building opened at Oulton in the year 1765, following the amalgamation (by Act of Parliament) of Mutford and Lothingland Half-hundreds in 1763.
The original layout and spelling of Robert Reeve’s transcription is followed, as far as is possible, with square brackets used to establish meaning. There is so much legal abbreviation in the account, which makes it difficult to best clarify what is being said – so, two methods have been adopted: insertion of the missing letters of the shortened word or its replication in full. Robert Reeve himself was transcribing from two earlier sources: documentation present in the Parish Chest (kept in St. Margaret’s Church) and in the Town Book – a compendium of information relating to the town, written down by various leading citizens over the years and probably also kept in the Parish Chest. It is now lodged in the Norfolk Record Office, along with other parochial material – ref. no. PD 589/112.
“At a meet[in]g abt. [about] Midsummer 1739 for the town of Lowestoft it was then seriously considered that the poor of the town was grown extremely burdensome & likely so to continue & th[ere]fore they resolved to erect a Workhouse for the relief of the poor and the follg. [folllowing] is a true Copy of the Instrumt. [Instrument] Signed by most of the inhabts. [inhabitants] of the sd. [said] town wch. [which] is deposited in the Town Chest Lowestoft in Suffolk. to wit [namely]
“ Whãs: [Whereas] we the principi. inhabts . [principal inhabitants] & other inhabts . of the sd . [said] town having of late had divers meetgs . [meetings] to consult upon measures for the benefit & relief of the poor of the sd . parish think it highly necessy. [necessary] & convent. [convenient] to erect a Workhouse for the support & maintenance of the sd. poor And at one last meetg. [meeting] did unanimously consent & agree to erect one for that those [sic] and we not having town stock enough to go thro. [through] wth. the chge therof [with the charge thereof] have borrowed of the several & respective psons [persons] whose hands are hereto also subscrd. [subscribed] the sev[er]al & respective sums of money as is inserted in words at length & also in the margin on the right side of this Inshrined agt. [enshrined agreement] their sev[er]al & respective names. Also know ye that we whose Hds [Hands] are hunto subsd. [hereunto subscribed] consent & agree that the sd. seval psons [several persons] so lending the sd. sever[al] & respective sums for the uses afsd. [aforesaid] shall be paid after the rate of £5 p[er] hundred p[er] annum until all prin: [principal] and Int[erest] leepd [sic] to them & esp[eciall]y. And we do further const [consent] & agree that in order to the pay[in]g off & disch[ar]ge [of] the sd. seve[ra]l sums so borr[owe]d of the seve[ra]l p[er]son afsd. [aforesaid] to keep up the poors rate as it now strands or to raise it for the afsd. purpose as occasion shall be & require And we do further consent & agree that what monies shall remain in the hds. [hands] of the overseer of the poor of the sd. parish at evy. [every] quart[er]ly meet[in]g shall by him be pd. [paid] into the hds. [hands] of the Churchns. [Churchwardens] of the sd. p[a]rish for the time being in order for them to disch[ar]ge the sd. sev(era) sums of mo[ne]y borrd[borrowed] of the sd. seve[ra]l p[er]sons in manner afsd. [aforesaid] as far as the same will pay off & as often as it shall come to their hds. [hands] And this instrut. [instrument] we further const. [consent] & agree shall be kept in our town Chest & fairly engrossed in our town book & witness our Hds. [Hands] this 13 day July in the yr. [year] of our Ld. [Lord] 1739.
£ £
John Jex……………… 10. – . – Nathaniel Gooding 10. – . –
Matthew Arnold……… 10. – . – John Brame 10. – . –
John Davy…………….. 10. – . – John Peache 5. – . –
Robert Hayward……… 10. – . – John Durrant 5. – . –
Robert Barker………… 10. – . – Thomas Tripp S. [Snr.] 5. – . –
William Balls………….. 10. – . – Samuel Barker 10. – . –
James Reeve…………. 10. – . – John Ibrooke 5. – . –
Thomas Landifield…… 10. – . – William Ketteridge 10. – . –
£140
Signed by 43 Inhabitants Consenting to the above -----------
Town book
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Money disbursed by Mr Rob. Hayward & Mr Rob. Barker Churchws . [Churchwardens] of Lowestoft in erect[in]g & providing heaftr [hereafter] for the sd. workhouse £169 7s 2d.
NB. This includes the expence [sic] of the Churchns. [Churchwardens] for Carpenters Journey to Southwold to view the Workhouse.
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The follg. [following] is a Copy of the orders the poor are to observe within the sd. Workhouse wch. [which] is put up in a frame there.
Orders to be observed & kept by the poor people within
the workhouse at Lowestoft as follows
1. No person to go out of the house with[ou]t especial leave of the Governor upon any pretence whatever.
2. Every person the[re]in is to work accord [in]g to their ability in what they shall be set ab[ou]t the usual hours of each day viz. betw[ee]n Lady day [25 March] & Michael’s day [29 September] from 7 of the clock in the morn[in]g to 12 at noon & from 1 of the clock at noon to 6 at night & betw[ee]n Michas [Michaelmas] & Lady day from 8 of the clock in the morning to 12 at noon & from one of the clock at noon to 5 at night.
3. Persons able & fit to work are to rise at 6 of the clock in the morn[in]g & go to bed by 9 at night in the summertime & so rise at 7 in the morning & go to bed at 8 of the clock in the winter time.
4. Persons refus[in]g to work who are able to do are to be punish[e]d w[i]th the loss of their meals for 1 day & if they longer continue obstinate to be fed only w[i]th bread & water till Justice can be done them.
5. Persons work[in]g more than their hours are to be p[ai]d in money for such overplus work accord[in]g to the value the[re]of.
6. Any person refus[in]g to go to a place of divine worship upon every Lords day (if able so to do) are to be punished w[i]th the loss of their meals for that day they so offend.
7. All complaints of the Governor or the poor are to be heard and adjusted [i.e. adjudicated] by the Church[warde]ns & overseers of the poor of the s[ai]d parish w[i]th any of the principal inhab[itan]ts as shall think proper to hear the same.
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Town Book 75
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Apr: 27th 1741
Whereas it hath been this day agreed that the sum of fifty pounds ten shillings and six pence of the money raised by the poor rates for defraying the charges of the building of the workhouse shall be paid unto Mr. John Jex & Mr. Matthew Arnold towards the charges & expences [sic] they have been at about the House and Estates devised to the town by Mr. John Wilde’s will. It is likewise agreed that for and towards defraying the charges of building the workhouse the sum of ten pounds shall be paid by the Churchwardens yearly and every year for six years out of the Town Lands, after Lady day [25 March] 1742. When the eighty pounds per year allowed for the ministers House Rent is by the coming in of the Great Tithes is to cease & determine.
J. Tanner vicar Thos. Todd
Robt . Barker Nath[aniel] Gooding
Matt. Arnold John Peache
John Jex Thos Landifield
Wm. Balls Matt. Arnold Junr.
Jno [John] Davy Saml. Adams
Elisha Barlow Robt. Dixon
Wm. Copping John Brame
Caleb Aldred John Ibrooke
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Summative comments
• There was obviously what was seen as a pressing need for the town authorities (especially, the Overseers of the Poor and the Churchwardens) to take some action addressing the increasing number of poor inhabitants requiring relief.
• Construction of a workhouse, in which the inmates carried out useful and productive tasks of some kind, was seen as one way of occupying at least some of those in need and of easing the strain upon the funds raised by parishioners’ contributions to the local Poor Rate. There is no indication of whether the building was simply a working-space or whether accommodation for its inmates was included.
• Insufficient funding from the Overseers’ and Churchwardens’ resources was obviously a matter of concern – hence, the sixteen loans (twelve of £10 and four of £5) arranged with leading townsmen of the time, with an agreed payment of 5% annual interest. Which would have meant 5s return on the £10 loans and 2s 6d on the £5 ones.
• Robert Hayward and Robert Barker (Churchwardens for the year 1740) had apparently spent a sum of £169 7s 2d – presumably, out of Parish funds – in constructing and setting up the Workhouse, and this had included the expenses incurred in sending a master-carpenter (working on the project) to Southwold to look at a building for similar use which had been erected there on Town charitable land in 1738. Presumably, the £140 raised (as referred to in the previous note) – with Robert Barker being one of the lenders – was to largely offset what had already been spent.
• There is no information whatsoever as to what kind of conversion was made to the block of four almshouses to turn them into a workhouse. And so there is very little, really, which can be said in the matter. It would have been possible to have removed the dividing walls of the four chambers in the roof section to create a large, open working-space; but the downstair divisions would had to have been left in place because of their load-bearing function for the floor(s) above.
• The wording of the workhouse rules regarding the hours to be worked, and the times prescribed for going to bed and getting up, would seem to suggest non-residential use of the building and that the people employed there (probably both men and women) were living elsewhere within the town.
• Working extra hours, in return for payment, would have been fitted in between 6 p.m. (during the Spring and Summer) and 5 p.m. (during the Autumn and Winter) and the required times of going to bed.
• The rule requiring Sunday attendance at “a place of divine worship” took account of the town’s Nonconformist element in its population, which was possibly around the 15% mark. An Independent Chapel had been erected on the High Street in 1695, standing on what is now the Triangle Market area immediately to the south of Nos. 127 &128.
• The penalty imposed for refusing to do the work required or for failing to attend either the Parish Church or Independent Chapel (loss of the daily meals provided) would have been regarded at the time as a suitable punishment. Continued refusal to work resulted in the standard prison punishment of a daily diet of bread and water only.
• No information regarding the work done is given, but the tasks carried out by women might well have been of a domestic nature, such as spinning and knitting. The men might well have broken up lumps of flint to use as road repair material or smashed animal bone down to use as fertiliser. Another common male task of the time was to pick oakum – this material being lengths of old, tarred rope which were pulled apart with a pointed hand-tool and the fibres used to caulk the planking of ships’ hulls and decking.
• Another task which might well have been carried out by both men and women was the dressing and spinning of hemp fibre into twine, which would then have been used to make fishing-nets and rope. Hemp was grown as a field-crop both in Lowestoft parish itself and in the surrounding area and was an important element in supporting maritime activity.
• The final matter needing comment of some kind concerns the sum of £50 10s 6d raised out of the Parish Poor-rate and to be used towards the cost of setting up the Workhouse. It was decided to divert this to John Jex (merchant) and Matthew Arnold (brewer) to defray expenses incurred by them – legal ones of some kind, probably – relating to the implementation of the will of John Wilde (ob. 1738), made on 22 July 1735, in which he bequeathed a significant amount of real estate located in both Lowestoft and Worlingham (in which latter parish he was buried) for the founding of a free grammar school for forty local boys, who were to be taught both Literacy and Numeracy and the Latin language. This was to occur, by reversion, after the death of a much younger personal friend, Elizabeth Smithson, who was made initial beneficiary (Wilde never having married and being without issue) and who did not die until December 1781!
• Nothing has survived to show what complications arose from this entailed legacy, but the School was not built (on Wilde’s Score, to the rear of No. 80 High Street) until 1788. And it is not possible even to speculate as to the expenditure incurred by John Jex and Matthew Arnold in connection with implementing the last will and testament of John Wilde, who had elevated himself socially (on the back of accumulated family wealth created by fishing and maritime trade) and bore the title of “gentleman”.
• Seemingly also connected with funding the Workhouse project was the matter of the two Churchwardens (whoever they happened to be) paying the sum of £10 per annum for a period of six years – deriving from the rents payable for hire of the parish’s Charitable Lands – starting on 25 March 1742. These payments would when cease in 1748 when the income deriving from the parish Great Tithes (the money paid annually by farmers, on the corn grown) would cancel out the sum paid each year (£80) for rental of the Vicar’s dwelling.
• This substantial house stood at the junction of Church Way (now St. Margaret’s Road) with the High Street and its occupant, the Revd. John Tanner, had purchased the Great Tithes when they were put up for sale in the year 1718, for a price of £1,000 – these, having been in private hands since the Dissolution of the Monasteries (1536-41) and in possession of St. Bartholomew’s Priory, Smithfield, since the early 12th century prior to that. Added to that cost was a further £251 5s 1d for various legal fees and charges.
• The money to acquire the tithes was raised by public subscription (£523 15s 6d), a grant from Queen Anne’s Bounty (£200), a personal loan (£100) and a mortgage from Norwich Diocese (£427 9s 7d). All the various, necessary, transactions took place during 1720 and it wasn’t until the year 1749 (one year later than that projected two notes above) that the great tithes were secured for the Lowestoft minister.
• This meant that the Parish “living” (as it was termed) became a rectory rather than a vicarage – the latter entitling its priest to the annual Small Tithes payment only: deriving from field crops other than grain, from livestock and poultry – and in Lowestoft’s case, being a coastal parish, a half-share of the profits made from the seasonal fishing voyages.
• During the earlier decades of the 18th century, the Small Tithe income amounted to c. £40-£65 per annum (depending on the productivity of farming and fishing each year). Once the Great Tithes “kicked in”, it increased by £70 – which was £10 less than the value given four notes above, but a considerable increase in the minister’s salary nevertheless.
• John Tanner enjoyed the extra revenue for the last ten years of his long incumbency (1708-59). As with so much else in the parish, the purchase of the Great Tithes had not been undertaken for his own advantage, but for the benefit of his successors.
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